MEDIA ROOTS- Abby & Robbie Martin cover the Occupy Wall Street movement: Bay Area activism compared to other cities nationwide, the divide and conquer tactics being used to discredit OWS, the different schools of thought and ideology within the movement and the original demands made by the US Day of Rage; the Obama administration’s shocking crackdown on medical marijuana and new federal law banning medical marijuana card holders from owning firearms within their homes and apartments; Blackwater and the privatization of the armed forces: is the corporatization of the US military what is preventing an anti-war rebellion similar to that seen in the 60s?
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MEDIA ROOTS – Ralph Nader answers questions from the
audience at Berkeley’s Hillside Club on Saturday, October 1, 2011 at the
First Annual Peter Miguel Camejo Commemorative Lecture. [Transcript Below]
Ralph Nader discusses Occupy Wall Street, Gandhi’s ‘Seven Deadly
Social Sins’, media reform, his presidential candidacy and what people
can do to fight back.
***
Ralph Nader:
“Gandhi’s ‘Seven Deadly Social Sins,’ you’ve probably heard them, that’s
his words, ‘Seven Deadly Social Sins.’
Everyone has three words. Gandhi
was really the sound-bite champion. He’d
have been great on TV.
“‘Politics
Without Principle. Wealth Without Work. Commerce Without Morality. Pleasure Without Conscience. Education Without Character. Science Without Humanity.’
“Science
is building drones. You heard about the
coming drone. You heard about the coming
drone? This is one that’s what’s called
Self-Automated. That is, a software will
select the suspects, locate the suspects, execute them. They don’t even need a button-pusher in
Nevada or Langley. The next drone is
gonna be a size of a hummingbird. With
nanotechnology, they’ll put the drone in your hair for surveillance. You’ll never know it. It’s a, it’s a coming, 1984 is a masterpiece of understatement.
“And
then, ‘Worship Without Sacrifice.’
“You
know, that’s like the so-called organised Christians who organise for war. You know, they organise for destroying the
rights of poor people. I wonder if Jesus
Christ would’ve condemned.
“I added
two more. You gotta bring it up to date.
“Belief
Without Thought.’ This is what Peter
[Camejo] was against. ‘Belief Without
Thought.’ And ‘Respect Without
Self-Respect.’ That’s the most important
one of all ‘cos if you respect yourself you don’t say, ‘I don’t have any
power. Why should I do anything? It doesn’t matter. It won’t change anything. It won’t have any effect ‘cos everyone else
is not gonna do what I’m doing.’
No. You do what you do. And you try to talk to others to convince
them. You never say, you don’t wanna go
out of your way to discomfort yourself because a million other people haven’t told
you, in one way or another, that they’re doing the same thing.
“So, the
key is how to get people who know what the prob-, there are very few people in
this country who are ignorant of the injustices. I mean they get it handed to ‘em every
day. Right? You have to, you have to have people who say
to themselves that if I know something I have a moral obligation to do
something about it, personally. I don’t care if ten million people don’t do
it. I can’t live with myself, unless I
do it. And once that spreads, you’ll get ten million people. So, that’s, that’s what we have to look ahead
for.”
Question: What do
you think about the Occupy Wall Street protests?
Ralph Nader: “Well, you
know, we don’t know what it is, but it’s refreshing whatever it is. It’s the young people, uh, probably without
jobs, a sense of theatre, uh, make sure there’s no leaders, no organisers, so
they’re, become [more] resistant to infiltration. And they’re modestly violating permits. Like, uh, the permit to march in the City of
New York and, therefore, they’re provoking the police to try to channel them
with these orange fences. And they’re
spreading to other areas. And that’s the
kind of spark that gets things underway.
“I wrote
a column years ago, months ago. I said,
‘How do we know when the spark comes? I
mean, the spark doesn’t usually come from [a] predictable source. It doesn’t come from the usual suspects, like
a bunch of oppressed people in some ghetto, in some city. It comes like the Tunisian spark, see? Who would have ever thought a fruit peddler,
slapped by a police woman who is rippin’ off his stall…? And look what happened. So, this may be a spark.
“What usually
launches things are totally unpredictable episodes that suddenly say to a lot
of people, ‘That’s it! We’ve had
enough!’ You know? So, we’ll see how it turns out. They’ve got a big band coming to get a bigger
crowd. I always worry about that, if
people come just for the music. Cornel West, Michael Moore, they’ve spoken to
‘em. Uh, the authorities are very
worried about this ‘cos they saw what happened in London. And they saw what happened in the Middle
East, the Arab Spring, and all. They’re
very worried about that. And so we’ll
see. I think we’re gonna have to wait [many]
days and see what goes on.”
Question: “A number
of people have asked, Mr. Nader, given the present crisis and this Presidential
year, will you make your announcement here for your candidacy for President of
the United States?” [audience chuckles]
Ralph Nader:
“No.
“I, [audience
laughs] I ran unofficially in the Green Party in 1996. I ran a none-of-the-above, really unofficial, Candidacy in New
Hampshire and Massachusetts in 1992, just none-of-the-above. I got almost as many votes as Jerry
Brown. And he was a rival in New Hampshire. Then
I ran officially in 2000 and 2004 and 2008.
[…]
“Four
out five people who declared to the pollsters they were gonna vote for us,
Nader-Camejo, Nader-Gonzalez, didn’t
when they got in the voting booth. They
chickened out and voted for the Democrats or the Republican, whatever. Mo-, people think all our votes would’ve gone
to the Democrats. No. The exit polls in 2000 by a Democratic
pollster have, uh, Nader-LaDuke, said that 25% of our votes would have voted
for Bush, 39% for Gore, and the rest would have stayed home.
“So, to
make a long answer short, it’s time for other people to do it, uh, because, uh,
I’m tired of pushing strings. I’m tired
of having a lot of people agree with our positions and they don’t put their
vote behind our positions. And, uh,
unless, that’s what I mean by ‘Respect Without Self-Respect.’ We are supported on many issues by a majority
of the American people. A majority of the
people wanted us on the Debates. These
are traditional poll, polling companies.
A majority of the people wanted us on the Presidential Debates. We didn’t get on. And a majority of the people, I mean, the
people, you meet all over the country, ‘I voted for you!’ And I look at ‘em and I say, ‘Uh, where did
you vote for me? Where? North Carolina?’ I’ll say, ‘I wasn’t on the ballot in North
Carolina.’ [audience chuckles] You know, I mean, people feel like, you know,
they wanted to, but.”
Question: “I
just, feeling, hearing all this, I’m just feeling so much that, you know, we
get the government we deserve. When
people voted for the lesser-of-two-evils instead of voting for their heart I
felt that we really get the government we deserve. That’s my statement. My question to you is: Is there any way that we can get the, uh, the
telecommunications and the communications and the airwaves and all that back to
the people. That was our public
domain. And I think if we control that
again, we would be able to control the length of the political season that goes
on, which is interminable, because the TV, uh, people wanna make profits and
they love to create fights that, that they’re not even, they don’t even care
who wins. They’re just making
money. And I think we can also get the
money out of, uh, politics. If we the
people own the airwaves, we give the Candidates the right to be on those
airwaves, an equal time kind of situation.
They don’t have to pay the TV, get ‘em, put ‘em on free.”
Ralph Nader:
“Yeah. Well, that was one of the
agendas we ran on. And probably helped
keep us off national TV.
“We own
the public airwaves. We’re the
landlords. The FCC is the real estate
agent. And the radio and TV stations,
the tenants. And they pay us no
rent. They haven’t paid us any rent for
this valuable property since 1934, the Communications Act of 1934. And they decide who says what and who doesn’t
say what on our property, namely the TV and radio, the public airwaves. So, you know?
That’s an easy one, right? I
mean, who’s gonna be against controlling what we own? Having our own audience, network, our own radio
and TV. It’s our property. We can say we want two hours a day,
here. We want three hours a day,
here. And then we’ll rent you the rest
of the time. You’ll have to pay rent. We’re gonna take the rent and put it into
studios and reporters and programmers and producers. And communicate with one another. And mobilise one another on anything we want,
from serious to humour. Boy, I mean, can
you imagine getting on national TV with that?
You see?
“So,
that was a larger part of the Commons.
We had a policy on the Commonwealth where we control what we own. We own a third of the, America, the public
lands and, you know, who controls it the timber, oil, gas, gold, whatever, the
companies. And we own trillions of
dollars of government taxpayer R & D.
Who do you think created the internet?
Who do you think built the biotech industry? Who do you think built the semiconductor
industry? Who do you think built the
aerospace? It was all government R &
D! You wouldn’t recognise it. I mean, it was all government R & D, out
of the Pentagon, NASA, National Institutes of Health. Half, three-quarters of the anti-cancer drugs
came from tax-payer-supported research from the National Cancer Institute with no
controls on the prices that the receiving drug companies could charge us. They were given all this free. So, you gotta dialogue like that. You know, you can’t do it with sound-bite.
“But
we’re shut out of our own property. That
should be the calling card. Let’s start
with our assets! Our assets are the
biggest wealth in America. $5 trillion
dollars of pension funds owned by workers.
That could control the New York Stock Exchange Members. That could control the companies in the New
York Stock Exchange. I mean, about a
third of all stock is held by worker pensions.
But, it’s not controlled by
worker pensions. It’s controlled by the banks and the insurance companies or
the intermediate.
“So, you
see, it’s not that hard once you get people, uh, just thinking a little bit,
getting excited. You gotta ask ‘em the
basic question, ‘Do you want power? Or
do you want to be powerless? You want
multiple choice tests? You want power or
do you want powerlessness? So, you need
thousands of people talking to millions of people. Just like the populist tradition. They call themselves lecturers. I’d have [texted this, no calling]. And they talk to people. So, if you have a thousand people who are
talking to a thousand people a week with these messages. They would talk to a million people face to
face in rooms like this. You have 10,000
people. They talk to a thousand people a
week in different venues. You have ten
million people. That’s the way we gotta
think. The hell with the media for the
meantime. One thing they can’t stop us
from doing is talking to one another.
And there are a lot of empty auditoriums and empty spaces around the
country that we could use to do that.
“That’s
why we need a few very rich people, like George Soros or Ted Turner or
whatever. You know, there’s always a few
tiny ones, a tiny percent. All you need,
a tiny percent to say, ‘Here’s a billion dollars. We want you to hire 20,000 organisers in the
country, all over the country.’ You will
see remarkable dramatic changes. There’s
no social movement in the country that was created without organising. And the lack of organisers delay the
maturation of these movements, women’s suffrage, abolition.
“But
remember, and there’s a fella yesterday, he came out, gawd, these guys are like
so predictable. This guy was real
hardcore, socialist, idealist. He said,
‘How dare you write a book called Only
the Super Rich Can Save Us. I said,
well, remember, it’s in quotes. It’s in fiction. He said, ‘I know! But I saw you on TV! You explained it. And you think that we have to rely on rich
people to mobilise the masses.’ So, I
said, ‘Well, how are you gonna hire the organisers?’ And he wouldn’t listen. So, I said, ‘Well, you ever heard of the Abolition
Movement? Slavery?’ He said, ‘Yeah.’ I said, ‘Don’t you know that a lot of proper
Bostonian rich people funded William Lloyd Garrison, Frederick Douglass, and
others? How about the Women’s Suffrage Movement? Some rich women funded those people. Women who were on the ramparts all over the
country. How about the early Civil Rights
Movement? Did you ever hear?’ He, he went away by then. [audience laughs] ‘How about the Stern Family? How about the Curry Family of the 1950s? Gave a big lot. Who’s gonna pay for those buses? Who’s gonna pay for the expenses, the
organisers? […]
“It’s
ridiculous. But, you know what? After he left, I said, I had the best
response to him. You always think after
it’s over. Here’s what I would’ve said
to him right after that: ‘Hey, you’re a socialist, right?’ He’d
have said, ‘Damn right! I’m proud of it!’ ‘All power to you. You gotta fight those corporate socialists.’ Okay. I’d
say ‘Hey, you ever hear of Karl Marx?’
He’d say, ‘What? Are you bein’
funny?’ I’d say, ‘Well, who do you think
funded year after year after year Karl Marx?
His name was Friedrich Engels.
And he got co-authorship of the Communist Manifesto.’ But he funded the living expenses of Karl
Marx. And a number of children. And he didn’t earn it writing Das Kapital.
“So, we
have to, people feel overwhelmed. They
feel depressed, discouraged. They can’t
do anything. The country’s gettin’
worse. The world’s goin’ to hell. [audience chuckles] Break it down and let’s each do our thing. And then build it. Someone strikes gold with a enlightened
billionaire whose in their 80s or 90s and has a sense of posterity and is quite
enlightened. As far as I’m concerned, if
you had two multi-billionaires givin’ us 15, 20 billion. And mind you, some of these people are worth
30, 40 billion. 15, 20 billion’s
nothing. You can turn the country
around. How do I know? I wrote 700 pages of this book only just to
prove it. Very, very detailed. Once the money, the resources, top-down,
bottom-up, movement.”
MEDIA ROOTS- Several research studies have studied job discrimination by sending out
resumes with different identifying features and tracking the response
rates. For instance, one study conducted by researchers at MIT and
University of Chicago sent out thousands of resumes that were identical
except for the name of the applicant: in one version, the applicants
name was stereotypically “Black” (e.g., Rasheed, Aisha) and another
version had stereotypically “White” names (e.g., Greg, Emily). Even
though the resumes were identical in terms of qualifications, those
researchers found that the “White” resumes had a 30 percent greater
chance of getting responses than the “Black” resumes.
A
new study published this week in the American Journal of Sociology has
used this method to test whether gay men face similar job
discrimination. Identical resumes were sent out, with a key difference
being membership in a college club: either the applicant reported
membership in an LGBT organization, or a socialist organization. The
results were striking: “gay” resumes were significantly less likely to
lead to interview requests than “socialist” resumes. The socialist group
was used as the comparison to rule out the possibility that any
discrimination was due to an “anti-liberal” bias, and this makes the
results even more striking: being openly gay is more of a liability on
the job market than being openly socialist.
Perhaps
even more concerning is that a huge scientific literature now shows
that these types of discrimination are not necessarily due to overt,
conscious prejudice – these differences tend to emerge from subtle,
unconscious preferences that guide our judgments and decision making
even when we’re not aware of it.
Steven Frenda for MR
***
EUREKALERT– A new study suggests that openly gay men face substantial job discrimination in certain parts of the U.S. The study, which is the largest of its kind to look at job
discrimination against gay men, found that employers in the South and
Midwest were much less likely to offer an interview if an applicant’s
resume indicates that he is openly gay. Overall, the study found that
gay applicants were 40 percent less likely to be granted an interview
than their heterosexual counterparts.
“The results indicate that gay men encounter significant barriers in
the hiring process because, at the initial point of contact, employers
more readily disqualify openly gay applicants than equally qualified
heterosexual applicants,” writes the study’s author, András Tilcsik of
Harvard University.
For the study, Tilcsik sent two fictitious but realistic resumes to
more than 1,700 entry-level, white collar job openings — positions such
as managers, business and financial analysts, sales representatives,
customer service representatives, and administrative assistants. The two
resumes were very similar in terms of the applicant’s qualifications,
but one resume for each opening mentioned that the applicant had been
part of a gay organization in college.
“I chose an experience in a gay community organization that could
not be easily dismissed as irrelevant to a job application,” Tilcsik
writes. “Thus, instead of being just a member of a gay or lesbian campus
organization, the applicant served as the elected treasurer for several
semesters, managing the organization’s financial operations.”
The second resume Tilcsik sent listed experience in the “Progressive
and Socialist Alliance” in place of the gay organization. Since
employers are likely to associate both groups with left-leaning
political views, Tilcsik could separate any “gay penalty” from the
effects of political discrimination.
The results showed that applicants without the gay signal had an
11.5 percent chance of being called for an interview. However, gay
applicants had only a 7.2 percent chance. That difference amounts to a
40 percent higher chance of the heterosexual applicant getting a call.
The callback gap varied widely according to the location of the job,
Tilcsik found. In fact, most of the overall gap detected in the study
was driven by the Southern and Midwestern states in the sample — Texas,
Florida, and Ohio. The Western and Northeastern states in the sample
(California, Nevada, Pennsylvania, and New York) had only small and
statistically insignificant callback gaps.
“This doesn’t necessarily mean that there is no discrimination in
those states, just that the callback gaps were small in the case of the
jobs to which I sent applications,” Tilcsik explained. “I think it’s
very plausible that, even in those states, there might be a large
callback gap in some other jobs, industries, or counties. What this does
show is that discrimination in white-collar employment is substantially
stronger for the Southern and Midwestern states in the sample.”
The research also found that employers seeking stereotypically
heterosexual male traits were more likely to discriminate gay men. Gay
applicants had lower callback rates when the employer described the
ideal candidate for the job as “assertive,” “aggressive,” or “decisive.
“It seems, therefore, that the discrimination documented in this
study is partly rooted in specific stereotypes and cannot be completely
reduced to a general antipathy against gay employees,” Tilcsik writes.
The technique Tilcsik used, known as audit study, has been used in
the past to expose hiring prejudice based on race and on sex. This is
the first major audit study to test the receptiveness of employers to
gay male job applicants.
Understanding the ways in which these biases might operate at the
interview stage of the employment process, or how they might apply to
lesbian job seekers in the U.S., requires additional research, Tilcsik
says.
###
András Tilcsik, “Pride and Prejudice: Employment Discrimination against Openly Gay Men in the United States.” American Journal of Sociology 117:2 (September 2011).
Established in 1895 as the first U.S. scholarly journal in its field, the American Journal of Sociology remains a leading voice for analysis and research in the social sciences.
MEDIA ROOTS- The news that King Abdullah would permit women to vote and run in
local elections in 2015 was met with the predictable array of responses
in the corporate media. Very little was said about American-Saudi relations going back more than half a century. Unmentioned were the
anti-egalitarian campaigns that the plutocrats of both societies
colluded on, to squash any dissent and threat to the flow and control of
oil or petrodollars.
American policymakers may rehearse and make
emphatic speeches in international meetings on human rights or the
status of women in other countries, but it’s pretty clear that the
policies of succeeding administrations since FDR have created income
inequality, politicaldisempowerment, widows, orphans, broken societies,
lack of opportunity for education, populations vulnerable to sex
trafficking, patriarchy, especially in the majority-Muslim world.
Conservatives like Laura Bush and well-intentioned but counterproductive liberals often exacerbate
the situation for women worldwide, and refuse to acknowledge the role
that American foreign policy–serving the interests of a global
capitalist class–has in perpetuating, amplifying, and worsening
disparities and trauma of women.
MR
***
SLATE– King Abdullah announced on Sunday that Saudi women will be allowed to vote and run for office in municipal elections beginning in 2015. Saudi watchers view the move as a weaker step than allowing women to drive, a right women have been demanding publicly for more than two decades. Why did Saudi women find it easier to get the vote than a driver’s license?
Because the right to vote is meaningless. Elections are mostly symbolic in Saudi Arabia. Only half of the seats on the municipal councils are up for election, while the ruling al–Saud family appoints the other half of the members and the mayors. The councils have little power. The government reserves the right to postpone elections, as it did in 2009. There’s no guarantee that the 2015 elections, in which women are supposed to participate, will happen on time, or at all. Moreover, King Abdullah’s announcement doesn’t carry the force of law. He could change his mind at any time. Or, if the 87-year-old king isn’t around in 2015, his successor could easily go back on Abdullah’s promise to Saudi women.
While voting in municipal elections is hardly a move toward true political authority, Saudi conservatives view female driving as the first practical step away from the kingdom’s guardian system, which keeps women reliant on men. As things stand, women in Saudi cities can’t get around unless they can afford a driver or have a male family member who’s willing to chauffeur them. (Young men with many sisters have it tough in the kingdom.) Public buses have separate doors and seating areas for women, but they are slow and unreliable. Some women are afraid to ride in taxis because there have been reports of inappropriate comments by Saudi drivers. (Foreign-born drivers don’t have the same reputation, because the Saudi criminal justice system has treated immigrants brutally.)
King Abdullah announced on Sunday that Saudi women will be allowed to vote and run for office in municipal elections beginning in 2015. Saudi watchers view the move as a weaker step than allowing women to drive, a right women have been demanding publicly for more than two decades. Why did Saudi women find it easier to get the vote than a driver’s license?
Because the right to vote is meaningless. Elections are mostly symbolic in Saudi Arabia. Only half of the seats on the municipal councils are up for election, while the ruling al–Saud family appoints the other half of the members and the mayors. The councils have little power. The government reserves the right to postpone elections, as it did in 2009. There’s no guarantee that the 2015 elections, in which women are supposed to participate, will happen on time, or at all. Moreover, King Abdullah’s announcement doesn’t carry the force of law. He could change his mind at any time. Or, if the 87-year-old king isn’t around in 2015, his successor could easily go back on Abdullah’s promise to Saudi women.
While voting in municipal elections is hardly a move toward true political authority, Saudi conservatives view female driving as the first practical step away from the kingdom’s guardian system, which keeps women reliant on men. As things stand, women in Saudi cities can’t get around unless they can afford a driver or have a male family member who’s willing to chauffeur them. (Young men with many sisters have it tough in the kingdom.) Public buses have separate doors and seating areas for women, but they are slow and unreliable. Some women are afraid to ride in taxis because there have been reports of inappropriate comments by Saudi drivers. (Foreign-born drivers don’t have the same reputation, because the Saudi criminal justice system has treated immigrants brutally.
MEDIA ROOTS- In 2007, the Georgia Board of Pardons and Paroles stated that Troy Davis, a man charged with killing a police officer in 1991, would never be put to death unless there was “no doubt” of his guilt. Despite a cloud of uncertainty surrounding the case and a lack of hard evidence linking him to the actual killing, Troy Davis was executed last night by lethal injection at 11:08 EST while the world watched in horror.
No matter what opinion one holds on the death penalty, it is worth noting that over 130 people on death row have been exonerated through DNA evidence that proved their wrongful convictions. Taking that statistic into consideration, it’s likely that people have already been put to death by the state who were not guilty of their crime.
Besides the disturbing fact that innocent people have been placed on death row before, the death penalty judicial process is extremely costly to taxpayers. In CA, taxpayers pay $90,000 more annually per death row prisoner than those regularly incarcerated. Furthermore, the appeals process usually takes decades to complete while death row inmates are held in conditions tantamount to solitary confinement.
Personally, I don’t support the death penalty. There is no ‘humane’ way to kill someone, and I think the process of executing a prisoner by any means is barbaric– especially in front of an audience. More importantly, I would rather have a murderer live out the rest of their life than to risk (literally) sponsoring the murder of one innocent person.
The murder of an alleged killer might be a gratifying moment of closure for the victim’s family members, but it will never fill the void left from losing a loved one. Instead, it will only fuel a vicious cycle of vengeance and hate.
Abby Martin
***
For those who think the execution was justified, read the following reasons why the case wasn’t cut and dry via THE GUARDIAN:
1. Of
the nine witnesses who appeared at Davis’s 1991 trial who said they had
seen Davis beating up a homeless man in a dispute over a bottle of beer
and then shooting to death a police officer, Mark MacPhail, who was
acting as a good samaritan, seven have since recanted their evidence.
2.
One of those who recanted, Antoine Williams, subsequently revealed they
had no idea who shot the officer and that they were illiterate –
meaning they could not read the police statements that they had signed
at the time of the murder in 1989. Others said they had falsely
testified that they had overheard Davis confess to the murder.
3.
Many of those who retracted their evidence said that they had been
cajoled by police into testifying against Davis. Some said they had been
threatened with being put on trial themselves if they did not
co-operate.
4. Of the two of the nine key
witnesses who have not changed their story publicly, one has kept silent
for the past 20 years and refuses to talk, and the other is Sylvester
Coles. Coles was the man who first came forward to police and implicated
Davis as the killer. But over the past 20 years evidence has grown that
Coles himself may be the gunman and that he was fingering Davis to save
his own skin.
5. In total, nine people have come
forward with evidence that implicates Coles. Most recently, on Monday
the George Board of Pardons and Paroles heard from Quiana Glover who
told the panel that in June 2009 she had heard Coles, who had been
drinking heavily, confess to the murder of MacPhail.
6.
Apart from the witness evidence, most of which has since been cast into
doubt, there was no forensic evidence gathered that links Davis to the
killing.
7. In particular, there is no DNA evidence of any sort. The human rights
group the Constitution Project points out that three-quarters of those
prisoners who have been exonerated and declared innocent in the US were
convicted at least in part on the basis of faulty eyewitness testimony.
8.
No gun was ever found connected to the murder. Coles later admitted
that he owned the same type of .38-calibre gun that had delivered the
fatal bullets, but that he had given it away to another man earlier on
the night of the shooting.
9. Higher courts in
the US have repeatedly refused to grant Davis a retrial on the grounds
that he had failed to “prove his innocence”. His supporters counter that
where the ultimate penalty is at stake, it should be for the courts to
be beyond any reasonable doubt of his guilt.
10.
Even if you set aside the issue of Davis’s innocence or guilt, the
manner of his execution tonight is cruel and unnatural. If the execution
goes ahead as expected, it would be the fourth scheduled execution date
for this prisoner. In 2008 he was given a stay just 90 minutes before
he was set to die. Experts in death row say such multiple experiences
with imminent death is tantamount to torture.
DEMOCRACY NOW–Troy Anthony
Davis was killed by lethal injection by the state of Georgia at At
11:08 p.m. EDT despite widespread doubts about his guilt. The execution
occurred shortly after the U.S. Supreme Court declined to stop the
execution. Democracy Now! was the only news outlet to continuously
broadcast live from the prison grounds last night where hundreds of
supporters Troy Davis held an all-day vigil in Jackson, Ga.
Today we
hear the voices of Troy Davis’ sister Martina Correia, hip-hop artist
Big Boi, NAACP President Benjamin Jealous, Ed DuBose of the Georgia
chapter of the NAACP, two members of the Troy Davis legal team, and
more. We also hear from journalist Jon Lewis, a witness to the
execution: “[Davis] said to the family [of slain police officer Mark
MacPhail] that he was sorry for their loss, but also said that he did
not take their son, father, brother. He said to them to dig deeper into
this case, to find out the truth. And then he said to the prison staff —
the ones he said, ‘who are going to take my life,’ — he said to them,
‘may God have mercy on your souls,’ and his last words were to them,
‘may God bless your souls.'”
Democracy Now Special Report on Troy Davis Execution: Did Georgia Kill an Innocent Man? 1/2
Democracy Now Special Report on Troy Davis Execution: Did Georgia Kill an Innocent Man? 2/2
Russia Today covers the outrage surrounding Troy Davis’s death on the day of his execution.